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Full text of "Southern worker; magazine of the common people of the South Vol. V #12 March 1937"

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• See Page 3 

sit-down strikes? 

• See Page 5 

Southern Worker 

Magazine of the Common People 

of the South 

Official Organ of the Co-mmunist 

Party of the U.S.A. in the South 

Address — Box 572, Birmingham, Ala. 


Two years 50c 

One year ... 25c 

Single copies 3c 

Outside the South 20 issues, $1.00. 
Single copies 5c. Bundle orders for 
10 or more lc a copy. Send no checks. 
Send stamps or money orders payable 
to Jim Mallory. 

Build the U.T.W. 

Success of the Textile Union's organizing 
drive in the South will not only bring a 
living wage and better conditions to the 
mill workers but it will also help raise the 
standard of living of the entire working 
class of the South. It is the task of every 
union member, of every central labor union, 
of the state federations of labor, to throw 
all resources behind the United Textile 
Workers and the C.I.O. in this drive. Textile 
is a major industry in the South, employ- 
ing more than 300,000 workers in the Caro- 
linas and other Southern states. The cam- 
paign to organize the textile industry must 
go hand in hand with the C.I.O. drive in 
the mines and steel mills of Alabama. 

The mill owners are doing everything in 
their power to prei ' the success of the 
United Textile Workers. They are deter- 
mined to continue the? starv&^on wages, and 
the stretch-out system. The Cannon mills, 
which last year paid dividends of $4,000,- 
000 representing a clear profit of more than 
§200 on each worker employed, is a typical 
example. And conditions for the workers 
will become even worse --unless a powerful 
Textile Union is built in the South. 

Build Workers Alliance 

The reactionary interests are carrying 
on a determined campaign for W.P.A. lay- 
offs in order to reduce the living standards 
of the masses and praticularly in order to 
reduce the wage standards of the employed 
workers. Over 400,000 workers have already 
been thrown off the W.P.A. rolls and the 
W.P.A. openly threatens that 600,000 more 
will be laid off by June. Roosevelt, in spite 
of his promises before the election, is giving 
in to these attacks. The Workers Alliance of 
America, the union of the unemployed and 
W.P.A. workers is fighting to maintain the 
W.P.A. to organize all needy and is also 
fighting for decent wage standards on 
W.P.A. Answer the attacks of 

Page 2 

against the living standards of the masses 
by building the Workers Alliance of Amer- 
ica and by supporting its demands. 

Auto Strikers Win 

1937 already sees another great stride 
forward for the American labor movement. 
The auto workers marched out of their 
plants last month with banners high — they 
won an agreement which gives the United 
Automobile Workers Union the right of 
being the sole representative of the men 
in bargaining with General Motors in the 
20 plants which were struck. 

This agreement will hold for six mors t ha. 
It includes the right of the men to wear 
their U.A.W. buttons at work, to talk about 
the union on company property during 
lunchtimc, and many other gains. As the 
agreement was signed, G.M. announced a 
wage increase that will increase its payroll 
$25,000,000 a year — a direct result of the 
militant and steadfast fight the auto 
strikers put up. 

"Disarm Industry" 

On New Year's Eve, John L. Lewis, chair- 
man of the C.I.O., called upon the govern- 
ment to disarm industry. In the hearings 
conducted throughout the past year by the 
Senate Committee on Civil Liberties, headed 
by Senator LaFollette, it has been defin- 
itely proven that big business is arming to 
the teeth for violent opposition to workers 
when they demand higher wages, better 
working conditions and recognition of their 

The lengths to which these industrial 
barons will go was dramatically exposed 
when witnesses told the LaFollette Com- 
mittee how paid thugs of T.C.I., subsidiary 
of U.S. Steel, flogged Joseph Gelders, mur- 
dered and terrorized many workers. The 
LaFollette Committee is now hamstrung by 
lack of funds. Hheir investigatioons must 
continue to expose the treacherous practices 
of the bosses. Demand of your congressmen 
that they pass an appropriation for the 
LaFollette Committee. 

Prevent Floods 

The heaviest burden of suffering and 
destitution from the flood of January, 1937 
— as from previous floods — fell upon the 
common people of the South. The fight in 
Congress for flood relief is therefore par- 
ticularly vital to Southerners. Represent- 
ative Matthew Dunn of Pennsylvania has 
introduced a resolution for an appropriation 
of one billion dollars for immediate flood 
relief. Southern workers and farmers should 
urge their representatives and senators to 
vote for this resolution and should also de- 
mand that Congress adopt immediately a 
comprehensive program for the prevention 
of future floods. 

■ : 

New South 



"There was a south of slavery — " 
era masters bought and sold humani(| 
like beasts of burden. By struggle, 
kind of slavery was wiped out. 
• There is a South of misery and bun; 
There is a South where thousands 
jobless, not knowing where next da| 
meals are to come from. There is a Soi 
of murder and lynching, jails and ch 
gangs, against theSgjworkers. The sa,| 
class who drove plave: hg old days, 

the courts, jails and ;/-. ivluxers toe 
That class grows fat on\,; coil of st£ 
ing workers. 

There must be a new South. There n 
be a South of peace, of jobs, security 
plenty for all. I'd like to see the South 
worker a mighty weapon to help mould 
new South. 

I've just been with a group of workj 
to the relief bureau. There we saw 
usual scenes — dozens of hopeless, 
figures, stalking away, waiting arou] 

This morning I visited the home 
Kentucky worker. There are six kids 
this home, bright eyed little fellows, 1| 
most kids, eager to run and play and hai 
the normal child's life. But these litL 

fellows cannot have a healthy, full norm TEXTILE has swung into stride with 
life. The father used to work and provi • steel in a vast campaign to organize 
for his family. He worked hard. N( illions of workers in mass production in- 
he is disabled, nothing left for him. ■ tstries of the South! 

But what happens to this Kentucky fai To Greenville, S. C, the "textile center of 
tt y ? ie South," came 16 weathered veterans of 

"From Friday till Monday," the moth « great 1934 strike in textile, organizers 
said, "We have had nothing to eat in tl «i officials of the United Textile Workers 
house." [ America, for a weekend conference to 

"The relief gives us $5.00 a week," si a P out tactics for the drive. For three days 
told me> i id nights they listened to and discussed the 

Five dollars a week for a family of eig «sent situation and the plan of strategy 

hich Francis Gorman, militant leader of 

with food and other things as costly 
they are. This mother told me how tl 
had gone days at a time when there m 
no food at all in the house. She was ke 

ing the kids out of school. They did ttion on ^ a ^w years 

"their first strike in the great general tex- 

have clothes to wear. Besides hungry 
can't learn anything in school anyhow. 

She had tried to get work at the re] 
Bureau. But this is the story of thousan 

of Southern workers. They are met witl _? _ * •* «i)L s « fl »4. PnnM 

. ftlize, as Gorman put it, "President Koose- 

lot of sarcastic questions. 

This is the story of thousands. Not 

the colored, but also white workers, a [\ LU ^ oc ' J1C ,"""£ 
' . . . * hng for ourselves." 

under the heel of oppression. Oxir •»*■■ 

out is the way of struggle, the way of 

ganized, united standing together and bu 

ing our organizations of workers to migl 

fighting strength. There are the uni( 

for the employed workers. There is 

Workers Alliance for the unemployed 

W. P. A. workers. There is the Farn 

Labor Party for all. 


President of the United Textile Workers Union 

rons of the South will use to attempt to 
break up the unionization of the workers. 

"The most important obstacle to organ- 
izing the Southern textile workers," as he, 
himself said, "is the extremely vicious, anti- 
union policy of the employers. The lengths 
to which these industrial bourbons go to 
drive out organization know no bounds — 
framed arrests on every charge, including 
murder. This is true of Northern manu- 
facturers, too, but the Southern manufac- 
turers are more savage in their union-bust- 
ing tactics that most Northern manufactur- 

merica's million textile workers, put before 

Many of these organizers have been in the 
Manv of them were 

Ie strike of 1934. They learned bitter les- 
ins in that 1934 strike. 
They have watched the steel drive closely. 
ley see how it works. They have come to 

ilt or no one else is going to do anything 
the textile workers, unless we do some- 

Alert not only to the nation-wide problems 
the textile workers of America, Gorman 
ows the South, the particular problems 
ich face the workers who have but lately 
Some into industry, who do not have the tra- 
ction of unionism which northern workers 
ive had for 50 years or more. Gorman 
!0ws the terror, the intimidation, the un- 
fupulous methods that the industrial bar- 

EQUALLY important, Gorman pointed 
out is the fact that law-enforement 
agencies in the South— the courts, police, 
sheriffs, etc., are in most cases openly lined 
up with the mill owners. "They make so 
little pretense at being really impartial and 
fair that their actions look unbelievable to 
people in the North who watch our pro- 

As we discussed the plan of action in the 
lobby of the hotel where the conference was 
being held, along came Homer Welch, 
U.T.W organizer in Alabama who was 
framed in the Talledega Case. Just out of 
prison a week, sentenced to 10 years in 
prison for shooting a police officer, which 
was even disproved by state's evidence in the 
trial, Welch was typical of the organizers 
present. While his case is being appealed, 
he is right back in the campaign. 

"Welch is one of hundreds of cases, some 
not so vicious, some worse. But we can do 
a great deal to combat this," Gorman was . 
quick to point out. "We must seek not only 
to draw in the textile workers and other : 
members of organized labor, but also lib- 
erals, and small business men. These people 
can be our friends, especially the tradespeo- 
ple of the small towns who are directly de- 
pendent upon the purchasing power of the 
workers. We must organize public opinion 
on our side. The employers have long ago 
realized the importance of public opinion, 
and they take great pains to organize it 
through the radio, the press, the movies. We 
must do the same through every method at 
our command. 

"Here is an example of what I mean. In 
Cumberland, Md. the vigilante committee, 
organized by the company's agents through 
the press, had public sentiment well organ- 
ized against the workers until the union 
stepped in and rallied the people to their 
own side. They began with the grocery 
stores, small department stores and the like. 
The net result was that they received un- 
limited credit during the strike for food; 
they received free publicity in the papers, 
and generally, they found support where 
they never dreamed they had it. They said 
in the beginning, 'This is a Du Pont strong- . 
hold. We can never get public support.' But 
when they really went out after it they did 
get it." 

In the South there are hunderds of small 
towns, even large cities where if you start 
talking to a worker about joining the union, 
he will look at you wonderingly and inter- 
rupt with, "Now just what is this union 
idea all about?" 

"We have the answer, to that in our agi- 
tation and propaganda program that we are 
going to use. In this campaign we are really 
going to build the union solidly, and in the 
course of work we will find a way to pre- 
sent our program of organization and pro- 
gressive legislation to the workers in intel- 
ligible and dramatic form." 

MOST of the methods the T.W.O.C will 
use are the methods which the steel 
campaign has already proven will do the 
job. Large dramatic, effective posters will 
be distributed to all union offices, central 
labor union halls, state federation offices, 
barber shops, pool halls, churches, schools, 
colleges, labor paper, editorial rooms, on 
vacant board fences, 'on buildings and in all 
other hundreds of places where workers 
will read it and think about it. 

Widespread use of leaflets and bulletins 
will immediately be initiated. Volunteer 
corps from neighboring towns will be organ- 
ized to distribute these at mill gates and 
in house-to-house visits. 

"One of the things we have learned, par- 
ticularly in the South," said Gorman, "is 
the necessity of presenting local grievances 
for joining the union. We will never distri- 
bute just one leaflet to a mill. For each mill 
there will be a carefully thought out plan. 
Already, up in Danville, Va., U.T.W. local 
2057 has started issuing a mimeographed 
shop paper which at present will come out 
{Continued on next page) 


Page 3 


once a month and later of tener " 

VT i eplH>d ' Unquestionably. In that 
learn to use it correctly. 

^tituted throughout the industry, and «. 
Pecially m the South, leaves them no alter 
natrve but to organize in defense of thSr 
'*«*■«* to gain better condLt 
out r^V* ^ eXampl6 ° f What the rtretch- 

Alius rollers on ea^hS' JJ'™ *"* 6 
?12 each per week n ,\ i T* Paid 

week for ?S i " ' " ° r a total of $ 72 Per 
week for the workers on that shift. Wages 

IT mc *****a to $13.20 par week but fn! 
?"!** ""«' ™ taken off, fcSft five fill' 
ing roller, to do the work of 6. Now the 

'TOE stretchout, starvation wages and 
* 10-hour work days are among the mo ,t 

SI&'SST r the National 
claL r ' 'f (T desi ^ ed to eliminate, de- 

ar 8 G ™ "1° that act we also demand 
an $1S : muumnm wage pending a decision 
^ a government commission as to wh^t 
constitutea a reasonable wage » * 

The act also attacks some of the basin 

tradmg at company commissaries, payment 
of wages in scrip and calls for ^/ngen 

talent ".V^-^ 1 ^ * ™-"y 
prevalent m the textile industry 

We are not only bringing pressure to 

bear on present legislators in Cong I an* 

state bod es for m enactment of tMs pro 

gresaive, but in our uni on *« 

and tt f rCaliZe that the M »' w V Wm 
and the farmers are going to guard their 

menaced by the employers is to organize a 

SSve ?n J ■ V ° already teken the in- 

itiative in many regions in doing this 

l*t me emphasize," he continued "We 

o"Trt a tS h r,r. ranstd ^ 

the orgammion of the Union. There waT* 
ou^rr, COmmUnists and other gZps 
purposes. I his Is no lonsrer tr™ tuj 


Wn ■ n te!1 your waders this- 

Textile .a going to be ready this anrinir £ 
i? m h ^ 3 »ia Bte.1, coal, auto rub b fand 
the other ma fls production inXtrtes ;' 
whatever program is decided upon for 


• By a Staff Member of The Southern Worker 

Tf ,^ eatest contributor to the New 
* Deal election campaign both in votes and 
S^&, led by taw' 
^ on /artisan Le„ mte or^nizM bv John r 

£ ** *<** *** M, Roosevelt tol d 
Labor m more or I €ss general term, that 

pathv wUh V' kSS ° r ^ nera1 ^ in ^' 
patby with the aims of labor. Roosevelt 
obvious^, wa 3 considerably impress 

the m,ddle C ]as G es. Roosevelt said he was 
w, hng to make concessions to Labor 

made '^ " P C0I,£:reSS With men **o h«d 
made some vague promises and then sat 
back ft for that p ^ essfve ™ «t 

he V«T at ' ^ T ° date ^hasn't come; On 

the contrary, there are distinct sign, that 

Labor are coming out of the hopper. What 
labor and the people forgotVas thaHor 
every representative of labor dogging the 
footsteps of the law-makers in Washington 

chambers of commerce, trade associations 

.J -. , V° f the matter is that Labor has 
not umted behind a definite legislative pro 
Jiam. It has not drawn to its side «™L who have many of the s me a1 m th 
P«ce groups, the farmers, the middle 
a S /*/ finaIIy Lab0r ha ^ »S adopted 
LT t\ ^ GXertinff P ™^ consistS 
S,*^' t0Waf " ds a ^-ving this pro- 


By R. r. HALL 

farm mortgages; cost of prdtecti* 
farmers; tenancy and share cropping^ 

.enervation; taxation; working condii 
Public works program; banks; monop, 
housing; youth; foreign born; ve?< 
legislabonj railroad labor; marine wor] 

electron laws; education. 
A final section deals with an Ame 

peace policy, armaments and militarv 

ing. / 

It is a program of social and labor 1 
lation with which no worker, farmer 
fact any true representative of the e 
people can disagree. It remained, how, 
for the Communist Party to draw up s, 
program. * 

But this program will Vemain on pi 
unless the proper Ws are drawn S 
^nnport of it, and unless this "j 

turned mto channels that will insuVrS 
We therefore propose the formatio^ 
progress^ legislative committees in 

fV Q i«. i , . » u uies r starting \ 

atate federations. Such committees sho 

\^AS reading my afternoon paper on the 
[street car. The headlines were full of the 
r down strike. General Motors had asked 
circuit court at Flint, Michigan, for an 
unction to justify the use of force to evict 
striking automobile workers. In Mont- 
:ery, big business interests were press- 
for a bill to outlaw the sit-down strike 
Alabama and assess triple damages 
jainst the unions. The citizen sitting next 
me read the headlines over my shoulder. 
'What do you think of this sit-down busi- 
g?" I asked him. The citizen was either 
jniall business man or a white collar 
jrker. His -answer was not surprising; it 
js what might be expected from that sco- 
rn of the public which has no direct con- 
ption with the labor movement and the 
jblems of labor and which relies exclusive- 
-too exclusively— on the capitalist press 
r its opinions. 
"I believe in the right of labor unions to 

ous lahor j; \ wmmiraes m v "i Relieve in the right of labor unions to 
the locall Trf I f ™. bodies '- ****** i fae," he said, "but I don't think it's right 
cne locals and including oe>-nt™i k^;^_ . „ ^« « — n„„ ^ *. ,, s . 

r the workers to trespass on another man's 
operty and keep him out of it. I always 

make ™*im,J Z ^^m^tees shoj oporty and keep him out of it. I always 

tet^ZZZ^ T Wlth ° ther * r0i aS a * reat ° ne for P rineI P ]e ' and it's the 
and^tate seale COttimit tees on coufindple of the thing that has decided me, 

'T'HESE committees should utilize this 

suppose you had a cook who got sore 
id went on strike. Suppose she sat down 
J.t;onalnro™bv fl D Z U r- UUJ !f. eim3 y ° Ur Mtchen and wouI ^'t cook your 
in the various locals Ld™^^ 113 ' 1 ' ""'' * nd W0Uldn,t Iety0U in there to cook 
which it hJ™Z !• ^ al bodies w ,ur 0Wn raeal » eithe ^ « looks to me as if 

upsLLr n^f ?■ Th ^ sh °^dr; were the same principle, 
state ^,uJTT:J° r d > cou ^ 1 T he citizen was speaking honestly. This 

in America. 
Page 4 

r«hl« Workers for the EIlenho«« Bill a „d 
»oo* for their own legislation. There has 

"o tt en 4rof 'r'f^ 6 "— "• 3£ 

J«ff» Committee, a national legis! 

.J 30-hour week; collective bargaining so- 
Court; Negro people; unemployment r el ef 

B f n f a i ■ i z: * ° 1UC Glz y' county a 
state legislation, based on the needs oj 
People hv these political subdivisions. 

It must be realized that the old metal 
of lobhymg m not work. EooseveTJ 
Coagresa must be made to realize that 1 

To get a labor program across calls ft 
for organizlngr the unorganized. 

This ia all a nart of what we mean 
-"dependent political action bv iTbor 
means action which is not tied to he 
of he kite :of big business or th e poT 
parties of big business. 

Workers and farmers who are activil 
<WJng up and working for a people's 

need of a people's party. We realize 
We are, fa fact , countinj? 0R e 

the common people to learn through t 
own exnerionce that they need a Pan 
Labor Party, ha,* on the trade union^ 
farm orwn* Z at!nn«,, the Negro people 
^h^ exploited middle classes 

But while they are learning this lea 
why not win some of the demand oT 
iTtf t" 11 T me * n a b ^te" f 
3 the why and wherefore of a progress' 

fEditor'e Note: Copies „f The p 

Demand,, the program of social andlal 

is the principle as he saw it. It was the 
Bnciple of HIS kitchen, HIS meal, HIS 
(ok, HIS PROSPERITY. If he were a small 
tsiness man, he thought also, no doubt, of 
IS delivery boy or HIS stenographer. Since 
many of our middle class and white collar 
iends hold sincerely to this attitude, it is 
pessary that we take up the questions in- 
Hved in this attitude and make a serious 
Jr>rt to answer them. 

The basic question in the sit-down strikes 

the right to collective bargaining, the 

jht for which the sit-down strikers are 

fhting. Now while cooks, maids, office 

(ys and stenographers employed in in- 

jvidual homes and establishments are ex- 

Poited and have indeed grievances of their 

wn, it is certainly not to be expected that 

by will have recourse to the sit-down 

trike. In an establishment where one em- 

toyee works for one employer, their dis- 

freements must perforce be settled be- 

*ecn them. The opposing sides are more 

,f less equal in strength, Mr. Brown can 

h Johnnie or Johnnie can quit. It is then 

krely a question for Mr. Brown to look 

pr another boy and Johnnie to look for 

pother job. As long as industry was com- 

Ked entirely of small establishments em- 

pying one or two workers, the problem of 

ftbor relations as we know them did not 

Fist. And, incidentally, it was under circum- 

tances such as this that our Constitution 

Jth its hundred and one safeguards of 

Property rights" was framed. 

T> UT the situation today is entirely differ- 
«*■* ent. It is not a disagreement between 
Mr. Brown and Johnnie. It is a disagreement 
between a great corporation, worth millions 
of dollars and owned in the greater part by 
[ a minutely small group of millionaires, on 
the one hand, and some 200,000 workers on 
ths other. The corporation has tremendous 
power and, in the case of General Motors, 
controls towns, cities and counties. 

The individual worker, on the other hand, 
is relatively powerless against this array of 
might and power. He can quit, of course, 
but the prospects, in that event, are poverty 
and even starvation. He may be blacklisted 
and as a result be refused work by the other 
two big automobile companies. If he is to 
continue at his old trade, he has little choice 
in an industry, such as auto, dominated by 
three billion-dollar corporations. 

Certainly the "principle" involved here is 
not the same principle which was bothering 
my friend on the street car. 

The reactionary press would not be inl- 

and corporate property, the old, narrow view 
of property rights is no longer applicable, X 
Certainly it is clear that government cannot"' 
with justice take the conceptions of property 
rgihts designed to protect the individual 
small owner and apply them on a grand 
scale to billion-dollar corporations. The peo- 
ple themselves, and especially the individual 
small owners, thereby become the losers. 

The workers and the middle dassea are 
exploited and oppressed by these corpora- 
tions and they must take the necessary 
steps to defend themselves. The organiza- 
tion of unions and the establishment of col- 
lective bargaining is a vital life and death 
matter today, not only to the automobile 
workers in Michigan but to workers in steel, 
textile,^ rubber and agriculture. The sit-down 
strike in Michigan began when the czars of 
General Motors refused to bargain with the 
union and discriminated against union men. 
It was a necessary weapon in the uneven 
fight of the Industrial slaves against the 


Auto workers in Cadillac's Detroit plant join sit-down strike started 
by their brothers in Flint, Michigan, 
pressed by these arguments. The sit-down 
strike, to them, is a powerful weapon for 
"evil" in the hands of the workers. They 
never cease to invoke the sacred "property 
rights" of the big corporations, 

But the worker might very well answer, 
"Do not these so-called property rights of 
the corporations carry any obligations and 
responsibilities?" And here it should be 
remembered that the sit-down strike was 
inaugurated by the corporations themselves 
back in 1029 when they brought on the crisis 
and depression. Because they were not re- 
ceiving profits large enough to please them, 
the capitalists went on a sit-down strike and 
closed factory after factory, mine after 

'TpHE Seripps-Howard Press, which in- 
■*> eludes the Post in Birmingham, points 
out that even conservative ■ Frank Kent 
advocates the acceptance of the principle of 
the worker having a property right in his 
job. But neither Mr. Kent nor the Post can 
see that the acceptance of this principle 
means that, with the rise of corporate power 

The issue clearly is not whether sit-down 
strikes violate the principle of property 
rights. The issue is whether a small group 
of industrial autocrats shall be able to dis- 
regard the welfare of the workers, use spies 
and thugs and discrimination to smash 
unions, and refuse to bargain collectively 
with their employees. 

This is the issue also in Alabama today 
where the reactionaries are attempting to 
enact a law against the sit-down strike. It 
is not the property rights of the small busi- 
ness man or the home-owner that is bother- 
ing the friends of the bill to outlaw sit- 
down strikes. It is whether the Organized 
Labor movement in Alabama shall become 
so powerful that it can force the reactinnarv 
employers, the steel trust, the textile mag- 
nates, and the landlords, to bargain col- 

That is why the anti-sit-down strike bill 
must be defeated, why the anti-picketing 
law must be repealed. It will take a united 
labor movement, together with the farmers 
and the middle classes, to achieve this. 

Page 5 




IN Washington, D. C, last month, the 
story of why the doggers of Joseph S. 
Gelders were not brought to justice was un- 
folded before a tense and wide-eyed audi- 
ence. The scene was the hearing conducted 
by the Senate Committee Investigating Civil 
Liberties, headed by Senator Robert LaFol- 

The story so far, up to the hearing, was 
this: Joseph Gelders, formerly a professor 
at the University of Alabama and now 
Southern Representative of the National 
Committee for the Defense of Political 
Prisoners, was kidnapped from the streets 
of Birmingham on the night of September 
23 because he and several ministers and 
other liberals in Birmingham sought the re- 
lease of Jack Barton, Barton was a Com- 
munist organizer who was sentenced to 
prison fo rpossesBing Communist literature 
in Bessemer. 

Gelders was carried 50 miles outside of 
Birmingham, brutally flogged and left in 
a road ditch without any clothes. Gelders 
saw who his (loggers were and easily identi- 
fied them to police authorities. Among the 
floggera were Walter J. Hanna, of the Na- 
tional Guard and Dent Williams, a Birming- 
ham attorney. Evidence that these men were 
the ftoggers was presented to two grand 
juries in Jefferson County. This evidence 
could not be refuted, yet the grand jury re- 
fused to indict these men for flogging Gelo- 


Why did two grand juries refuse to return 
indictments against the men whom Gelders 
positively identified as the men who flogged 
stand at the hearing in Washington by 
stand at the hearing in Washington by 
unes W. McClung, soecial investigator of 
the Alabama State Police, assigned -to the 
Gelders case. This was McClung's answer: 
"The Tennessee Coal and Iron Company 
bwnis fifteen-sixteenth of the country down 

T.C.I., Subsidiary and Southern outpost of 
United States Steel Corporation, not only 
owns fiffeen-sixta&ths of fciif property in 
and around Birmingham, but has 15 out of 
the 17 officers of the Alabama State Na- 
tional Guard on its payroll. Hanna was one 
of them. Dent Williams was a lieutenant in 
the National Guard. 

That was the reason the grand juries re- 
fused to return indictments against the 
assailants of Gelders. 

Solicitor General Bailes and the prosecu- 
tor had this information, but they even re- 
fused to call Yelverton Cowherd, Birming- 
ham attorney who was former chairman of 
the Americanization Committee of the 
American Legion, who hud definite knowl- 
edge of this, to testify before the grand 

ON the witness stand in Washington, 
McClung made no bones about the fact 
that he had "received little aid from local 
law enforcement agencies" in his investiga- 
tion of the case with the exception of Chief 

Page 6 

Joseph S. Gelders 

Joseph Gelders, Southern Representative 

of the National Committee For the 

Defense of Political Prisoners 

of Detectives Giles. McClung even charged 
that the Jefferson County Solicitor's office 
had failed to press vigorously for indict- 

The story of Joseph Gelders was one of 
.the most dramatic and one of the most hor- 
rifying described to the LaFollette Commit- 
tee, but it was only a part of the long his- 
tory of T.C.L's and U.S. Steel's efforts ,Jg 
prevent the organization of their hundreds 
of thousands of workers into unions which 
fight for higher wages and better conditions. 
Testimony given to the LaFollette Com- 
mittee in 1936 showed that U.S. Steel maij| 
tains a huge private army of stool pigeons, 
thugs and trigger-men. Its mills are 
stocked with large supplies of machine guns, 
tear gas, rifles and other means of fightmg 
against workers. 

Two murders of workers, intimidation and 
terrorfcation of all kinds were added. to 
this list by a large number of affidavits subj 
mittcd to the LaFollette Committee. . > 
On New Year's Eve, John L. Lewis, chair- 
man of the Committee for Industrial Or- 
ganization, called upon government agencies; 
to "disarm industry." The government ha| 
blithely ignored this. Is the United States: 
Department of Justice also intimidated by^ 
America's' chief racketeers— the Morgans! 
duPonts and other Liberty Leaguers who 
are the real leaders of this vicious campaigi| 
of terror, murder and frame-up? 






SUPPOSE you had fallen asleep on the 
day before election last year, and did not 
wake up for three months. Then you awoke 
and looked about you. Yon would sf>* tW 
in the three months following the elections 
386,817 workers were laid off the WPA, and 
most of them didn't get any jobs in industry 
—most of them back on the tender mercies 
of bankrupt state ard county relief agencies. 
Who would you think had won the elections? 
Roosevelt campaigned on the issue of con- 
tinuing the WPA, while Landon and the 
Liberty League howled for cutting and doing 
away with the WPA. Yet in the short period 
since the elections we have seen nearly 
400,000 workers dropped from the WPA 
rolls. Harry L. Hopkins went to Congress 
and asked for a cut in the WPA appropri- 
ations to $635,000,000, and brazenly stated 
that 600,000 more workers would be thrown 
off WPA by June. All this in the face of the 
Conference of Mayors held in Washington 
which stated that at least $877,500,900 was 
needed to carry on the WPA for the next 
five montbs, and that 500,000 more people 
should be placed on the WPA at once. 

The Workers Alliance of America, the or- 
ganization of the jobless and relief workers, 
has taken up the challenge. On January 9, 
in almost every city in the country there 
were mass meetings and parades of WPA 
workers protesting these outrageous cuts. 
On January 15, a mass delegation of 3,000 
delegates representing 1,500,000 organized 
WPA workers from most of the states of 
the Union came to Washington to voice 
the demands of the WPA workers them- 
selves. Their committee met with Marvin 

Mclntyre, secretary to President Roosevetj|| 
and submitted the following four demands M 

1. Appropriation of at least $1,040,000,000 f* 
for the period from February 1 to July 1. | 

2. Reinstatement of all discharged WPAj 
workers. I 

3. Expansion of WPA to include all needy ;J 

4. 20 % increase in wages on WPA, 

IN the Southern states, which compose the! 
lowest wage region of the WPA, workers | 
receive from $12 to $33 per month. Almost! 
helf the WPA workers have been cut off in I 
less than a year. In Tennessee the rolls | 
dropped from 55,483 to less than 30,000; in, 
Alabama from 47,701 to 29,959; and in] 
Georgia from 53,804 to 33,121. 

The masses of unemployed can answer^ 
this brutal attack on their very lives only-;, 
by organizing, by building the Workers^ 
Alliance, by organizing mass actions, meet- .. 
ings, committees, delegations, by insisting j 
that their congressmen fight for more ap- p 
propriations. The trade unions as a whole I 
must protest these WPA cuts and d« 
missals. The labor movement everywhere- 
should support the Workers Alliance, the| 
union of the jobless, in its struggle against! 
downright starvation; as well as to prevent 1 
a million hungry jobless people from being! 
thrown on the market as cheap labor, to bej 
used as a bait in the fight of the Libertyl 
League and Manufacturers Association toi 
knock down wage levels, and to smash the! 
labor unions. 

The people are being double-crossed. Thei* 
mandates of Election .Day go unheeded^ 
Make the pre-election promises become true.1 


A" \V/ HILE the hearings held by President 
I'm ^^ Roosevelt's Commission on Farm 
Tenancy were largely the result of pressure 
brought to bear upon the administration for 
progressive legislation to aid agriculture, 
the hearings held in the South last month 
were used mainly to gather support for the 
Eankhead-Jones Farm-Tenancy Bill. The 
Bankhead Bill, will give little aid to the 
farmer and was presented as a result of the 
demand of two million landless Southern 
farmers for land. While the Roosevelt gov- 
ernment is making promises, the People's 
Front government in Mexico has already 
confiscated the big cotton plantations. and in 
the Laguna region they are being divided 
up among the landless agricultural %vorkers. 
One colored farmer at the Montgomery 
meeting summed up things in a few words — 
"We've been waiting 70 years for our 40 
acres and a mule and now we're looking to 
get it." 

The Bankhead Bill is supposed to be the 
answer to the farmer. Will it be? The bill 
provides for 50 million dollars to be spent 
each year putting agricultural workers, 
sharecroppers and tenants on their own 
land. It will cost about $5,000 to buy land, 
build a house, buy teams and tools and 
supply feed, fertilizer, food and so forth. 
At this rate, and considering none of this 
money goes for administration expenses and 
graft, they can take care of 10,000 families 
a year. In the South alone it would take 
200 years to take care of the two million 
landless farmers. And considering the num- 
ber of small farm owners losing their land 
to the banks and mortgage sharks — -an aver- 
age of 40,000 a year for the last five years 
— the Bankhead Bill can only take tare of 
one out of four families that lost their land 
each year, let alone do anything for those 
already landless. 

The Communist Party says the govern- 
ment is not doing its job. In the first place 
the Frazier-Lemke Farm Mortgage Refinan- 
cing Bill, with amendments striking out in- 
flationary clauses, must be passed to protect 
the small land owner from mortgage fore- 
closeure and stop the increase in tenancy. 
In the second place a Bankhead Bill provid- 
ing for at least a billion dollars a year to 
secure land and homes for tenants is needed. 

THE present Bankhead Bill has several 
more jokers that will work hardship on 
the farmer. Farmers %vho get loans will be 
asked to cut down on cash crops. These 
farmers will be forced to sign farm-manage- 
ment plans made out by the County Farm 
Agent who is always helping the banker 
and landlord gobble up the small land- 
owner. The farmer will not stand for this 
kind of dictatorship and the government 
cannot expect the farmer to agree to have 
the "easy-chair Washington farmers," with 
their crack-pot ideas, run their business. 
The Communist Party says the farmer must 
have his cash crop and no dictatorship from 
the County Agents. 


A Negro share-cropper in Alabama 
standing front of the jerry- built house 
which he and his family are forced to 
live in. 

The interest on loans under the Bankhead 
Bill should 1 be paid by taxation of bankers, 
insurance companies, loan companies and 
corporations dealing with farmers or farm 
products. To repay a $5,000 loan in 40 years 
would mean a $125 payment on the principal 
each year. If the $75 interest is added to 
this payment, the farmer will starve to death 
trying t.n make it. The banks and corpora- 
tions have robbed the farmer for years. Let 
them put back a little of their profits to 
cover the interest on the loans. 

STATE Homestead Exemption laws up to 
$5,000 should be passed to protect the 
small farmer from unbearable tax burdens, 
A high graduated land tax on all private 
and corporate land-holding valued over 
$5,000 should be passed to put a cheek on 
land monopoly and exploitation through land 
monopoly. The Federal Farm Credit Ad- 
ministration should be loosened up so the 
small farmer can get a production loan. At 
present the F.C.A. is little better than the 
regular loan shark. It should be changed to 
allow crop loans for small farmers, tenants 
and sharecroppers with a crop lien as the 
only security. Another amendment to the 
F.C.A. should allow for cancellation of these 
debts during years of crop failure. 

Marketing co-operatives should be given 
financial aid by the government. Such co- 
operatives should be organized and con- 
trolled by the working farmers. Then the 
farmer can have a little control over mar- 
kets and increase prices for farm products 
by cutting into the profits of the useless 
middle man. 

Purchasing co-operatives controlled by the 
farmers will allow them to buy in large 
quantities at wholesale prices and again cut 
into the middle man's profits and put money 
into the farmers' pocket. Many Alabama 
farmers have saved from $5 to $10 a ton 
buying fertilizer co-operatively. 

A few people propose producers co-opera- 
tives as the way to solve the farm tenancy 
problem. While the Communist Party be- 
lieves co-operative farming would be the 
most profitable under Socialism, the Party 
warns the farmer that as long as Wall 
Street bankers control the markets, prices 
and credit under Capitalism, co-operative 
farming can never succeed*. 

If producers co-operatives are started 
now, Wall Street and the County Agents 
they control will crush them. It will give a 
black- eye to thia type of farming. Today 
the American farmer wants his own land 
and the Communist Party gives its full 
support to this demand. 

This is a church in the cotton country. It is also used as a school for the few 
months of the year that the children of colored share-croppers are spared front 
work in the fields to attend. 

Page 7 




I'LL meet you tomorrow at union head- 
quarters. I've got to go over to Bessemer 
now. See you tomorrow. And I'll take you 
home with me for dinner. Wait J til you 
teste my wife's pie! It's the best pie in the 
world. Ask any of the boys here. 

Of course you know I'm on the local steel 
workers committee here, and it keeps me 
pretty-busy. When we first started organ- 
izing I was never home. I'd come back from 
the mill, grab something to eat, and out 
again, You know, meetings, talking to 
people and all that stuff. 

One day I was on the three to eleven 
shift, and I came into the house to get my 
lunch. I could smell pies baking. I stood 
there just smelling 'em. I said to Stella— 
that's my wife— "Don't forget to save a 
piece for me tonight." She said something, 
but I was in a hurry and didn't wait to 
hear what it was. 

Well, when I got out of the mill that 
night I got to talking union with some of 
the men, and I didn't get home 'till after 
twelve. Now, I said to myself, Joe, you're 
going to sit down and enjoy a piece of that 
pie. I looked at the table in the kitchen. 
Nothing there. I looked on all the shelves, 
everywhere. No pie. I thought that was 
pretty funny. My wife and kid don't eat a 
couple of pies between them. All I could 
find to eat was some stale bread and a piece 
of cheese. 

I KNEW, there was something screwy 
going on but I couldn't figure it out. 
Anyhow, I was pretty tired, so I went to 
bed. When I got in bed Stella was sound 
asleep. O.K. I said to myself, I'll find out 
what it's all about in the morning. 

T. slept a little later than usual and when 
I woke up there waa nobody in the house. 
On the kitchen table was a letter which 
went something like this: "All you do lately 
is come home to eat and sleep. You don't 
even want to talk to me. I'm not running a 
hotel. Until you change you can live by 
yourself. Yours truly, Stella." 

Can you beat that I 

I -was standing there, feeling sort of 
punch drunk when my father-in-law walked 
in. "Hey," I said r "take a look at this. What 
the hell is it all about?" 

"Yeah, I know Joe," he said. "Women 
get crazy sometimes. Stella and the kid are 
over to our house. She says she's goin' to 
stay a while 'till you get sense." 

"What's she doin' there?" I asked. 

"Oh, she and the old woman, they're 
eating pie. She brought a couple over yester- 
day. Damn good pie too." 

"Pop," I hollered, "don't talk like that!" 

Page 8 

I stood there a minute thinking. Then I 
said, "Listen, if she wants to he stubborn 
I can be too." Besides I couldn't go over his 
place because I had another meeting. 

WELL, the rest of the week I just lived 
by myself. I ate mostly bread and 
cheese. I still can't look cheese in the face. 
Ono day somehodv at the mill says to me, 
"Does your wife still make those good pies?" 
I told him if he knew what was good for 
him he'd lay off the pie. 

Finally Sunday came around andl went 
over to the old folks' house. They were 

sitting on the porch with Bobby, my kid. 
Wait 'til you see him, only four, but smart 
as a tick. He said to me, "Daddy why don't 
I see you anymore? Why didn't you come 
home yesterday? We had pie for supper." 

"Where's your mother?" I said. He told 
me in the kitchen, so I asked the old folks 
to stay out because I wanted' to talk with 
Stella. I went inside. 

"Hello, honey," I said. 

"Don't honey me," she said. It's a pity 
you can't get around to visiting your wife 
and child once in a while," 

"Aw, don't be that way," I told her. 
"You know where I go all the time. I'm 
just anxious to get the mill organized." I 
started to laugh. "I'll bet you try to say I 
go out with other women." 

SHE looked at me. "No woman could he 
that dumb* — to go out with you 1" I said 
we'd skip that. I banged my hand on the 
table. I was beginning to get mad. "Now 
listen here to me," I said. 

"You listen to me," said Stella. I guess 
she was getting mad too. "You expect me 
to sit around the house every night looking 
at the four walls while you run around 
to meetings and everything. You don't even 
want to talk to me about it." 

"Now wait a minute," I said. "We're try- 
ing to organize a real industrial union all 
over. That's important. It's the biggest 
thing we ever tried to do. It's men's work, 
no place for women." 

"Oh, yeah! I guess it's all right for us 


women to make ends meet at home, and to 
go out on the picket line in a strike, but 
we're too dumb to understand what it's all 
about. We just hake pies!" 

"I didn't say that. I only meant that there 
was nothing you could do. One reason I go 
out so much is I'm trying to see Mike 
Johnson. He's an old-timer with lots of pals. 
j fem i'v e got to convince him he ought to sup- 
iffi port the union. I guess maybe you could do 
that better than me?" 

All of a sudden she began to smile- 
"Listen, smart guy, I'm going to show you 
something. You go home and shave and put 
on a clean shirt. Then you take Bobby for 
a walk and don't come back here 'till late 
in the afternoon. 

"What's the big idea," I said. 

"You wait and find out. Don't stand there 
like a dummy. Do what I say." 

"All right. All right." I said. "Anything 
to keep peace in the family." 

WELL, I did what she said. I took Bobby 
out for a walk down towards the 
Fairfield mill. I tried to explain to him about 
the union and that he should never be 
surprised at anything a woman ever did. 
We came back to the house and when I 
walked in my mouth just opened up like 
Joe E. Brown's — Not because I was saying 
anything — I just couldn't. 

The house was full of people, all men 
from the mills and their wives. They were 
just sitting around and talking— and eat- 
ing pie. And Mike Johnson was sitting there 
eating pie so fast his handlebar mustache 
was waving up and down. 

"We were waiting for you," Stella said, 
looking at me sort of funny. You know 
the way women do. Mike was just asking if 
you could explain a few things to him about 
the union. Isn't that right Mike?" 


Mike swallowed a big hunk of pie. "Huh," 
he said. "What? Well, yeah, all right." 

When I heard that I began talking. It 
was a pretty good speech if I do say so 
myself. I said, "You fellows know the only 
way we can beat the bosses is to organize 
into one big union. Not in old fashioned 
craft unions, but in industrial unions. If you 
want to get some place in a hurry, you don't 
rido an old broken down flivver; you'd get , 
a modern streamlined car. Well, that's the 
way it is with unions. Industrial unions is 
the modern, streamlined way of organiza- 

Well, I don't have to tell you the whole 
thing. You know as well as I do. When I 
got through talking Mike said he guessed I 
was right at that, and when could he join. 
And the other fellows said the same thing. 
Finally they all went home. 

I looked at Stella. "Sweetheart," I said, 
"I got to hand it to you." 

"Oh, you're not so bad yourself," she 
said. Then I put my arms around her and 
we sort of made up— well you know what I 
mean. After that I said, "Well, honey, now 
I'm going to sit down and eat me some of 
that pie. I was so excited before I forgot 
to eat any." I sat down at the table and 

looked around. "Well, I'll be " I said. 

There wasn't a piece of pie left in the house, 
not even a crumb. They just cleaned up 
everything there was. 

Stella said, "Do you admit yon were 

I said, "Will you bake me all the pies I 

So she said yes and I said yes. That's the 
way it was. Well, I got to scram now, so 
long. See you tomorrow. 

Page 9 

The American Scene 


1,000,000 HOMELESS 

One of the most terrible floods in Amer- 
ican history swept through the Ohio Valley 
and down the Mississippi Valley last month, 
leaving over 500 dead, one million homeless, 
property damage of more than $400,000,000, 
and epidemics of contagious diseases among 
the helpless refugees. 

Experts are pointing out that this was no 
mere "act of God/' no natural calamity that 
could not have been avoided. The original 
cause was the ruthless way in which big 
business exploited the land and natural re- 
sources of the country, thus depriving us of 
natural protections against floods. Big busi- 
ness knew how to prevent these floods, but 
they did not do so because a good flood pro- 
tection system would have eaten into the 
profits of power and other companies. 

All that was necessary was for the gov- 
ernment to enter on an extensive program 
of controlling floods at their source. Instead, 
Congress backed down before the power 
companies* who opposed it because it would 
mean government dams and therefore gov- 
ernment power plants, like T,V.A. 

ment to end the strike was reached which 
granted almost all of the important de- 
mands which had been raised by the strikers. 
All but the longshoremen won substantial 
pay increases. The longshoremen won con- 
tinuation of a six-hour day and time and a 
half for overtime. Cooks and stewards won 
an eight-hour day on freighters, nine hours 
on passenger ships. Radio telegraphers got 
an eight-hour day. All but the Marine En- 
gineers and the Masters, Mates and Pilots 
won closed shop contracts with union hiring 
halls. These two unions won union recogni- 

On the East Coast and in the Gulf ports, 

although the strike did not gain such smash- 
ing victories as were won in the West, the 

maritime unions ended in a stronger position 
than they began. The solidarity between 
East Coast, West Coast, and Gun maritime 
workers was greatly strengthened, thus lay- 
ing the basis for the building of a National 
Maritime Federation. Another important 
victory of the strike was the winning of 
honest and militant rank and file control 
over I,S,U, locals formerly under the dic- 
tatorship of reactionary officials. 


Workers in the steel industry plan to 
present their demands to the steel trust by 
April 1, of this year, it was reported. Some 
time before then, a national convention of 
members of the Amalgamated Association 
of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers, the steel 
workers' union affiliated to thg C,LO. t wi?) 
be held to discuss demands for union wages, 
hours and working conditions. The anion 
of steel workers now has a membership oi 
more than 123,000. 

International News 


The auto strike f is only the first engage- 
ment- in a war between labor and finance," 
says John L, Lewis, chairman of the C.I.O. 
in Washington last month* Lewis charges 
that the leading financial interests of the 
country have ganged up to light the or- 
ganization drive which the C.I.O, is con- 
ducting not only in auto but in steel, textile 
and other mass industries. 


Almost the first onieial act of the 75th 
Congress was to stab democracy in the back 
by passing a law against arms shipments to 
Spain, This is exactly what Hitler wanted 
the United States to do. Hitler knows that 
his man, General Franco, will be defeated 
unless the Spanish people, who are fighting 
heroically to. save their country and the 
world from fascism, can be cut off from ob- 
taining supplies from the other democratic 

The most reactionary senators and con- 
gressmen, who have always bitterly fought 
any genuine movement against war, strongly 
favored this so-called "neutrality" bill, 
while the only congressman who had the 
courage to oppose it was Farmer- Labor ite 
John T. Bernard of Minnesota. 

On the fourth anniversary of the day 
when Hitler became the ruler of Germany, 
he delivered a speech eagerly awaited by all 
peoples and countries throughout the world. 
In the face of offers of economic assistance 
tendered him by England and France for 
promises of peace, would he alter his head- 
long plunge towards another world war? 
No, he did not. He attacked the Versailles 
treaty and withdrew Germany's agreement 
to the last clause in an attempt to blind 
the hungering, suffering German people 
whom he is preparing to send into new 
battlefields. "Cannon before butter/' he de- 

His speech was an attack upon the whole 
system of collective security. He wants to 
break the Franco-Soviet pact, to isolate 
Czechoslovakia so that he can march his 
troops over the body of that country to at- 
tack the Soviet Union. Hitler has delivered 
another brutal attack upon the world's 
peace,, His speech was yet another step 
towards war. 

While in the four years that Hitler has 
been in power, Germany has become a brist- 
ling fortress or arms, the fascist tyrants 
sit upon a keg of dynamite uneasily. The 
same week that Hitler spoke, there came 
from the German people the true hope of a 
free and peaceful Germany, An appeal for 
a German People's Front was signed by both 
Socialists and Communists, 


The heroic 84-day strike of the maritime 
workers of the West Coast ended in a smash- 
ing victory for the workers when an agree- 

Page 10 

Spanish democracy continued not only to 
hold its own last month, hut began a 
counter-offensive on several sectors of the 
front against the fascists. The fascist army 
of General Franco, increasingly manned by 
German and Italian troops, tried in vain to 

make headway in the attack on Madrid. 
Loyalist forces, however, have driven them 
from several areas on the outskirts of the 
city. In a victorious battle for possession 
of the Hill of the Angels, now called "tied 
Hill," a point of great strategic importance, 
the government forces seised a vast amount 
of ammunition and' reportei 1.000 rebel sol- 
diers killed* "I am done for. You are going 
to shoot me," Major Belda, fascist leader 
said when he was captured with 300 of his 
battalion, "We do not shoot prisoners," 
Major Modesto, the government commander, 
replied to the amazed fascist leader. 
While Spanish democracy fights for its 
life, the capitalist papers give first place in 
their news columns to Leon Trotsky, whose 
agents in the Soviet Union were convicted 
of treason and counter-revolutionary activi- 
ties on January 29. Trotsky is now an ob- 
ject of admiration and sympathy in most 
newspapers, from the "liberal" Scripps- 
Howard papers down to the outspoken fas- 
cist, Hearst. The reason for this is their 
common hatred of the Soviet Union, the land 
of victorious Socialism. 

Meanwhile Trotsky, newly arrived in 
Mexico, his latest refuge, continues his anti- 
working class activities. Having obtained 
the right to live in Mexico by his promise 
to refrain from political activity there, his 
first press statement on arrival was a vici- 
ous attack on the Soviet Union and on the 
present policies of the People's Front gov- 
ernment in Spain, The Mexican Communist 
Party and the Mexican Confederation of 
Workers are campaigning for his expulsion 
from Mexico as an enemy of the common 





Birmingham's First Sit- Down Strike 
Wins 20 Per Cent Wage Boost 

Birmingham's first "stay-in" strike won 
a 20 per cent wage increase for the 125 
steel workers of the American Casting Com- 
pany who stayed inside of their plant 
eight days and nine nights. The union men 
agreed that if they had stayed inside of the 
plant all during the strike instead of com- 
ing out when they did, they would have won 
much more* 

This first strike in the drive to organize 
Alabama's 25,000 steel workers into the 
Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and 
Tin Workers not only won many demands 
for the' strikers but also showed the rest of 
the steel workers in Birmingham what can 
be done. The S.W.O.C in Birmingham, re- 
cently announced that over 6,000 steel work- 
ers had signed up in the A. A. 

Steel Workers in Second 
Sit-Down Strike 

As the Legislature of Alabama held hear- 
ings on a bill which would outlaw sit-down 
strikes throughout the state, members of 
Local 1109 of the Amalgamated Association 
of Iron! Steel and Tin Workers staged the 
second sit-down strike in Birmingham in 
the Birmingham Stove and Range Com- 
pany's plant. 

The strikers are demanding 37 cents an 
hour, for common labor. They are now 
being paid 20 cents an hour, less than the 
wage paid by W.P.A. 37 cents an hour is 
the general wage for common labor paid 
in steel mills around Birmingham since the 
Tennessee Coal and Iron Co. was forced by 
the growing organization of its workers to 
grant a 10 per cent wage increase. 


m J 

T.CL Ore Miners Talk Strike 
Against Stretchout 

When J. L. Perry, president of the Ten- 
nessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Co. declared 
that "there is nothing to arbitrate and noth- 
ing to mediate" after Governor Graves had 
called upon the company to confer with ore 
miners on a wage agreement, the miners be- 
gan to take the matter into their own hands. 

They did strike against the stretchout 
T.C.I, attempted to put over on them last 
May. Then after Governor Graves promised 
a public investigation of the situation the 


Strikers at American Casting Co. read 
the Southern Worker. 

miners returned to work to give the "wage 
incentive plan" a trial. They found that 
for an appoximate 10 per cent increase in 
wages they had to give a 70, per cent in- 
crease in labor, 

"While both Governor Graves and a federal 
labor disputes conciliator are trying to head 
off a strike, the 1,800 members of the Inter- 
national Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers 
in Wenonah, Ishkooda and Muscoda mines 
at Bessemer are quickly losing their pa- 
tience. They are determined to get back 
their original pay system of wages by the 

Miners to Organize 
Harlan County 

William Turnblazer and Sam Caddy, presi- 
dents of Districts No. 19 and 30 of the 
United Mine Workers, have announced an 
organization drive in Harlan County. The 
first mass meeting, scheduled on Sunday, 
Jan. 4 at Evarts, Ky, was banned by the 
Harlan County officials on the grounds of a 
spinal meningitis epidemic which is now 
sweeping through the coal fields. 

Harlan County is today the one remain- 
ing major spot where the United Mine 
Workers have not organized in America. It 
was the scene of mass struggles during the 
strikes of 1931-32. Four miners are still 
in the Kentucky Penitentiary, framed by the 
operators in that strike. It is said that even 
today the Harlan operators keep an army 
of some 300 gun thugs. What they do is 
have the high sheriff, who is only another 
thug for the operators, put a deputy badge 
on the thugs whom the operators wish to 
employ. But the miners of Harlan have al- 
ready organized a local of the Union at 
Black Mountain mines, just above Evarts. 

Miners Demand Passage 
of Youth Act 

At a special meeting of Local 7264 of 
the United Mine Workers at Lynn, Ala,, the 
local passed a resolution demanding the 
passage of the American Youth Act spon- 
sored by the American Youth Congress, "We 
cannot expect the miserly amount of one. 
dollar per week, now being paid students at 
Lynn High School, to even touch the gigan- 
tic and deep problem of our young people. 
This amount is being paid for work Per- 
formed by the National Youth Administra- 
tion V declared the letter the union sent to 
Senator Bankhead, A similar letter was sent 
to President Roosevelt. 


Standard-Coosa-Thatcher's Profits 
Rise; Workers' Wages Remain Same 

Standard-Coosa-Thatcher reported a net 
profit of $237,000 for 1936, President 
Thatcher declared that the company had had 
the best business it had had in three or four 
years. The company, he said, had not made 
any profit in 1935. But the wages of work- 
ers in the Chattanooga mill remained the 
same in I03G as they were in 1935, The 29 
per cent increase in the amount of yarn 
shipped from the mill came from the speed- 
up of the workers, they said. Here are a few 
examples of what they made in I03fi: wind- 
ing department, 30 to 35 cents an hour, or 
$15 to $22 a week; floor help, S12 to §14 a 
week, thread girls, $12 to $14 a week; mer- 
corizersj $18 a week; spinning, carding, reel- 
ing and twisters, $8 a week. 

Miners Help Striking 
LaFollette Clothing Workers 

450 women employees of the Atlas Cloth- 
ing Company at La Toilette, Term, struck 
under the leadership of the Amalgamated 
Clothing Workers Union on January 21 
against rotten working conditions for higher 
wages and full union recognition. Supported 
by hundreds of organized coal miners who 
picket with them daily, the strikers express 
great confidence in winning their demands in 
a short time. The workers of the Reed Shirt 
Factory in the same town, after several of 
them had been fired for sympathy with the 
strikers and union activity, also went out 
on strike to improve their own conditions. 
Under the militant leadership of Charlie 
Handy and Elaine Wright, strike leaders, the 
Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union is 
marching one step further in the struggle to 
organize the Southland, 

Page 11 


Cleveland Workers Strike; 
First Time in 60 Years 

For the first time in 60 years the workers 
of the Hardwick Woolen Mills at Cleveland, 
Tenm struck ogainst repeated wage cuts 
which brought their wages down in some 
eases to $6.25 a week. 350 workers in the 
Sewing Department, mostly women, walked 
out for restoration of their pay cut, closing 
down the Cutting Room as well. Displaying 
fine courage in daring the Hardwick clan, 
rulers of Cleveland, whose anti-labor policy 
has made this industrial town notorious for 
low wages and rotten conditions, these 
workers broke through spying and intimida- 

Dan River and Riverside Mill 
Workers Get Increase, But — 

When Marshall-Fields Corporation grant- 
ed its employees a 10 per cent wage increase, 
the 9,200 textile workers in the Dan River 
and Riverside Mills in Danville, Ya. thought 
they were really getting something, The 
truth leaked out when an efficiency expert 
appeared on the scene. Then the pick clocks 
at the top of the looms speeded up plenty. 
Wholesale firing began in -each department 
of the eight cotton mill plants. In the spool- 
ing department new automatic spooling' 
machines replaced old. On the new fast ma- 
chines 4 girls can spool as fast as 20 on the 
old machines, With every new machine 
brought in, 16 girls lost their jobs. 30 have 
been fired already, and it didn't make any 
difference to the company that one of these 
girls had worked for them 20 years. 

The company' which owns these mills is 
one of the most prosperous in the country. 
Last year they paid stockholders $3.00 on 
preferred stock plus $9.00 arrears on the 
same stock. The president of the corpora- 
tion, R. R, West, got a salary of $32,000 or 
65 times that of the average worker in the 
Danville once was unionised and it's going 
to be again, say the workers in the mills. 


Picket at Atlanta plant of Fisher Body 
gets shave during recent auto strike. 

Page 12 

Bosses Push Anti- Sit -Down 
Strike Bill in Ala. Legislature 

Following close on the victory of the 125 
sit-down steel strikers in the Birmingham 
plant of the American Casting Company, 
one of the most vicious anti-labor hills in 
the history of Alabama Jias been introduced 
in the Alabama legislature by two legisla- 
tors from Wilcox and Lee Counties. The bill 
which would outlaw sit-down strikes would 
take away from workers in Alabama their 
last vestige of liberty to fight for their 
rights, for decent wages and working con- 
ditions. This bill would even make unions, 
calling sil^down strikes, liable for the dam- 
ages fixed by companies owning the plants. 

This is one of the worst attacks upon the 
civil liberties of the common people of Ala- 
bama. The Alabama State Federation of 
Labor, United Mine Workers, central labor 
unions and many local unions have already 
launched an attack upon this MIL Wire and 
write your representatives and senators in 
the legislature demanding that they oppose 
this bilk 

Demand Repeal of 
An ti Picketing Law 

Capitol Hill in Montgomery, Alabama was 
beseiged by letters . and telegrams from 
union leaders and members demanding that 
the state's notorious anti-picketing law he 
repealed. Representative Forest Castle- 
beiry of Conecuh has already introduced a 
bill to repeal the law, but the legislative 
committee to which it was referred has not 
yet reported on it. The Alabama State Fed- 
eration of Labor roundly condemned the 
anti-picketing law and called for its repeal 
in a resolution passed at its last convention. 

This vicious law makes it a criminal of- 
fense for workers to picket during strikes, 
to boycott a manufacturer, and for a labor 
union to put a company on an unfair list 
It even prevents labor unions and other 
labor organisations from distributing strike 
literature and has a provision that would 
outlaw sit-down strikes. 

Ark. legislature Attempts to Gag 
Commonwealth Labor College 

A reactionary bill to gag freedom of edu- 
cation in Arkansas, aimed directly at Com- 
monwealth labor college at Mena, has just 
been introduced in the state legislature of 
Arkansas, The Bill {H,B. 148, introduced by 
Representative Horton of Craighead) is en- 
titled "an act to prohibit the teaching of 
any foreign doctrine of government for the 
purpose of overthrowing the Government of 
the United States or the State of Arkansas 
by violence and for other purposes." This 
bill would not only restrict Commonwealth 
College to teaching what the state dictated it 
should teach, but would also prevent free 
discussion and education in all schools 
throughout Arakansas. 

Union workers contribute clothes to the 
defenders of democracy in Spain* 


Louisville Hears Plea 

to Aid Spanish Democracy 

Representatives of the Spanish People's 
Front Government described the brutal cam- 
paign of the fascists in their attempt to des- 
troy all civil and democratic rights at a 
meeting sponsored by Louisville citizens at 
the Tyler Hotel in Louisville last month. 
Those present pledged their utmost support 
in the drive to send money, food, and other 
aid to the Spanish Workers. Contributions 
should be sent to the North American Com- 
mittee to Aid Spanish Democracy, 149 Fifth 
Avenue, New York City. 

Lexington, Kentucky also heard the rep- 
resentatives of the Spanish Workers at a 
meeting sponsored by the Kentucky Univer- 
sity Branch of the American Students 
Union, Pretty Josefina Ramarez, one of the 
Spanish delegation, declared that the attack 
of the fascists upon Spanish democracy is 
not an isolated occurrence. "Rather it is a 
part of the concentrated world-wide drive 
of the fascist powers against the democra- 
cies of the world." 

Jacksonville, Fla. Rallies 
Support for Spain 

Speaking before a mass meeting under 
the auspices of the Jacksonville League to 
Aid Spanish Democracy, Professor Royal 
W. France of Rollins College declared, "It 
is incredible to me that any true American 
who believes in freedom and his country's 
tradition of self government should remain 
unmoved by the fascist onslaught against 
democracy in Spain." Without the help of 
Hitler and Mussolini, Professor France 
pointed out, General Franco, leader of the 
fascists in Spain "could not have gone 50 
yards." The meeting pledged its support of 
the Spanish people's defense of democracy. 


Mob Lynches 
Young Negro 

Wea Johnson, an 18-year old Negro farm 
hand was lynched by a mob who took him 
from Abbeville Jail where he was held for 
t allegedly attacking a white woman. John- 
eon was not even given a chance to prove 
hi* innocence before the mob tore down the 
jail door and dragged him out. A few hours 
after the victim's bullet riddled body was 
found swinging from a tree near Headland, 
Ala,, Governor Graves ordered a thorough 
investigation. These lynchers can easily be 
brought to justice because Sheriff Louis 
Corbett of Abbeville said he recognized at 
least some of the BO men who lynched John- 

This is the first reported lynching In the 
United States this year. In 1936, according 
to Tuskegee Institute, 9 people were lynched, 
all of them Negroes in Southern states. 
Alabama's record from 1892 to 1936 is one 
of the worst* 296 Negroes have met death at 
the hands of mobs, Mississippi has the worst 
record. During the same years, 564 lynching 
took place in that state. 

Kentucky Workers Alliance 
Launches organization Drive 

At is recent meeting the State Board of 
the Kentucky Workers Alliance mapped a 
state-wide campaign to organize the un- 
employed and W.F.A, workers into the Al- 
ii a nee. The drive was scheduled to concen- 
trate for its first two weeks in Louisville. 
Sii organizers, including W. E. Burns of 
Paducah, Frank Daniel of Paintsville, Don 
West of Mlddleboro and T. C, Cadle were 
made responsible as the organizing com- 
mittee. The Kentucky Alliance is fighting 
for an apropriation of $500,000 for state 
relief for the jobless during the winter. 

Cost of Living 

Due to> Go on Climbing 

Indications are that the cost of living, 
which is already 20 per cent higher than in 
April, 1933, will continue to rise during the 
rest of this winter and spring, Cotton goods 
prices have jumped about 25 per cent while 
men's worsted suitings have risen about 
40 cents a yard in recent weeks. The na- 
tion's largest shoe manufacturing concern 
has announced increases of 10 per cent to 
IB per cent in the price of shoes. Secretary 
of Agriculture Wallace has predicted that 
food prices will go 10 per cent higher this 
winter although they are already 38 per- 
cent above the level of March, 1933* Meats T 
dairy products and fish are expected to go 
etill higher. 

These price increases will fall hardest 

, on the workers. Without wage increases 

to at least equal this rise in living cost, the 

worker's standard of living is certain to be 

driven still lower. 



Share Croppers Union Demands 
Land for Landless 

University o* Texa* 
— Atttfra, Texas 

Forty acres and a mule has been the de- 
mand of two million landless farmers in the 
South for the last 70 years, the Sharecrop- 
pers' Union pointed out in a statement to 
the President's Committee on Farm Ten- 
ancy which met last month. The Union is 
demanding a large government program of 
land purchasing to settle landless tenants 
on* small farms in place of the present 
Bankhead Act which would take 200 years 
to place the South's landless farmers on 
their own farms. 

The Union's demands, which included 
highly graduated land taxes to discourage 
large land ownership by banks and insur- 
ance companies, requirement by laws of 
written contracts between landlords and 
tenants, and protection of the right of the 
share croppers and farm laborers to organ- 
ize, were presented by Clyde Johnson, 
Secretary of the Share Croppers 7 Union, 

Farmers Union Protest* 
Evictions by Resettlement 

Over 110 people are being forced off the 
land, some out of farming entirety, in St. 
Landry Parish, Louisiana, because the Re- 
settlement Administration has chosen the 
St* Landry Farm for another of their ex- 
periments. Twenty families, most of them 
colored, are being put on the road to make 
room for 15 white families chosen by Re- 
settlement for their Tenant- Security pro- 

Eight locals of the Farmers' Education- 
al and Co-operative Union of America in 
St. Landry Parish joined in protesting the 
eviction of these families. The Union, of 
which the evicted tenants are members, 
is demanding that the government either 
include these families in its Tenant-Security 
program or find places for them on other 
farms with satisfactory contracts with 
landlords and provide them with loans 
for teams, feed seed and fertilizer. 

Cotton Raw 


A little pressure can make a dent in a 
thiek skull. When the Louisiana Farmers' 
Union got after Resettlement Supervisor 
Louis Fontenot for die crimination against 
the union and asked Administrator Alex- 
ander to Ere him, the man suddenly 
changed. He even started seeking out the 
St. Laundry Farm tenants to sign them 
up for their loans. 

Some Alabama farmers are putting mo- 
ney in their pockets. In Winston and 
Walker counties they are pooling their 
money to buy fertilizer and expect to save 
from $5 to $10 on the ton the same as they 
did last year. 

"What will we do if you give the tenants 
land," an old landlord whimpered at the 
Montgomery Farm-Tenancy meeting. He 
doesn't have to worry yet, the government 
isn't going to move that fast. BUT the 
unions will make him wish he didn't have 
tenants when they make the landlords sign 
the tenants' rights. 

At the same meeting Oscar Johnson, 
master of 862 tenant families of the world's 
largest plantation at Scott, Mississippi, 
said the government should not build good 
houses for tenants. According to him this 
would make other farmers jealous. Maybe 
the real reason is that other tenants would 
demand better homes from their landlords. 
Another landlord from South Alabama- said 
sealed houses would start ah epidemic of 
tuberculosis among Negroes because they 
wouldn't open their windows for fresh air* 
It's nice to be so interested in health, but 
this gentleman didn^ mention Negroes 
dying from pnemonia and other diseases in 
miserable shacks where it rains inside and 
cold winter winds blow quilts of! the bed. 

Agricultural Workers 
Organize Federal Locals 

Some 3,000 farm wage hands of the 
Share Croppers' Union are joining the 
American Federation of Labor as a federal 
local of farm laborers and cotton field 
workers. This union had its beginning 
among farm workers in Winston County, 
Alabama, and has the support and endor- 
sement of Local 7264, United Mine Work- 
ers of America, Local 367, Alabama Farm- 
ers' Union and the Jasper Central Labor 

A farm workers wage conference is 
being planned to take place within the 
next few months in Birmingham to map 
wage scales and further organizational 
work of farm wage workers* 

Oscar Johnson spoke the voice of Wall 
Street at the meeting. He warned the gov- 
ernment not to mess around giving land to 
just any old tenant or share cropper. Maybe 
Johnson read about the Mexican govern- 
ment confiscating the big plantations and 
dividing them up among the landless farm- 
ers. We wonder how he'd look as a plow 
boy instead of the boss* 

Mississippi's Commissioner of Agricul- 
ture said he didn't need union agitators to 
help solve the tenancy problem* The wish 
must have been father of the thought. 
Like it or not he's going to get the help, 

Page^ 13 


Birmingham, Ala, 

Dear Friends: 

I left Alabama four years ago and now 
I have come back again to my native state 
to live, 

A lot can happen in four years. For one 
thing' all of us are four years older, most 
of us are four years poorer and four years 
wiser, but in spite of increasing poverty 
many of us are four years happier. That 
sounds strange perhaps, but when you stop 
and study about it you will see that It is 
so. For now we know that poverty is not 
just our fault or our bad luck or the hand 
of Goo? punishing us, and ahead we see a 
light instead of blackness. 

On coming- back to Alabama I compare 
the difference in the cost of living. 

Up there I paid $23,00 a month for a 
small well-kept apartment which the land- 
lord repainted every fall free of charge. The 
apartment was furnished with a new gas 
range and though I did all ray own cooking 
my gas bill was never over 95 cents a month. 
I am told that here I will hardly get by with 
less than $4.00 a month, as I have to heat 
all the hot water we use. There it w T as boil- 
ing hot, day and niprht. Steam heat was 
furnished free from October to May, and 
all repairs ♦ such as putting in new glass 
when small boys threw balls through my 
window or the plumbing got out of fix, were 
paid for by the landlord Water, of course, 
was free, as it is owned by the city. 

Here I pay $25.00 a month for a bare 
house, A sink is in the kitchen but no 
stove, an Areola, but I must buy my own 
coal and coke and wood, a Rudd heater, hut 
of course I must pay for the gas as well 
as the water — for water here is owned by 
a private company, and the charge is $2,50 
a quarter for the least amount of water that 
is used. There was no china-closet or shelves 
and the wood-work and walls are dirty and 
stained aa is the outside of the house. 

I pay more for milk, meat is high and 
very poor quality. 

There I paid 5 cents car fare and here 
T must pay 7 cents. 

One thing I have noticed is cheap, and 
that is labor, If I did not do all ray own 
work myself, I could get another woman to 
do it for me: cooking, washing and ironing, 
housework for all my family — for $4.50 a 

I have been thinking more and more 
about this high cost of living. It is one sub- 
ject we can not get away from, I mean just 
plain eating and a place to sleep and keep- 
ing clothes on our backs. Not luxuries, hard- 
ly even comforts, but bare necessities* 

When the people in Washington wrote 
that part about "Southern Wage Differen- 
tial," they were using a high-sounding name 
so they could talk about it openly instead of 

calling it by the ugly name "Starvation," 

We down here have known about starva- 
tion for a long time. That's the reason so 
many of our people die of pellagra and 
tuberculosis and a lot of other sicknesses we 
don't even know the name to call it by, so 
we just call it "misery"— and we have a 
lot of misery. 

The gentlemen in Washington got the cart 
before the horse. They gave us a "wage 
differential" because they say it costs less 
to live down here. The truth is, comfort for 
comfort, it costs just as much to be decently 
fed and clothed down here as it does in any 
other part of the country. It it costs any 
less to live in the South, it is beause we 
have learned to do without and have sort 
of gotten used to it. But it seems to me we 
are entitled to the extra money that would 
give us a little comfort and better health, 
God knows we have worked for it, and our 
fathers before us, and unless we teach our 
children, by example, to demand something 
better they will go down the same old road 
that we are used to. So I say, we must or- 

ganize for it and teach our young ones to 
organize and stick together in the unions. 

We, as women and mothers, have a special 
role to fill. It is up to us to get together, 
unite our strength and refuse to wear the 
chains of poverty any longer. We can form 
Women's Auxiliaries beside the men's unions 
and help them when they go out on strike 
and encourage them to do so. There is the 
textile union that is now planning its big- 
gest campaign. The Parents-Teachers Asso- 
ciation, for more education. Domestic Work- 
ers Union. The unemployed are powerful 
when united* 

These are all things that concern women, 
because they have to do with our every day 
life, with our standard of living in our 
homes and the way our children shall be 
raised and educated. 

We can use this page to get together and 
talk about these things. We can talk about 
the Sales Tax, where the money comes from 
and where it goes. We can ask questions for 
a better understanding and make plans for 
better organizing of our strength. 

This page is ours, so please dear friends, 

let us hear from you. 



Page 14 


; w m \ 





The Only Road 

Charleston, S. C. 
Editor, The Southern Worker: 

We has organized last June 16 local 1422 
of the International Longshoremen's Associ- 
ation, At present we has 1,800 members, the 
only organization in Charleston, S. (1 There 
is nothing else but churches. Now on De- 
cember 9, 1936, all steamship companies 
here recognized the union 1422 and give' us 
a 2 cent increase in pay. But we could not 
get 8 hours per day. We have to work 10 
hours per day. Also get time and one-third 
over time. Also we has signed an agreement 
for this until September 30, 1937, Also the 
scale runs from 25 cents per hour to 60 
per hour. This is the best we could get at 
this time. 

Now some of the seaman was on strike 
here, about SO of 'em, Also on December 
16, a group of them came to our hall for 
aid. Many of the I,L,A, members wanted to 
help them out but orders from Mr. Joseph 
P. Eyan of New York would not let our 
president of Local 1422 give them a thing, 
Ryan said that the seamen is nothing but a 
bunch of reds just raising hell all the time 
and trying to fool the Negroes in all ports 

of the U.S. A, Also Eyan is putting the 
whites against the Negroes here in Charles- 
ton all the time. Many of the Negroes has 
said to hell with Eyan, 

About other things in Charleston.— -The 
W.P.A. and P.W.A, has cut 20 per cent of 
all the men around here . . , they cut 3 
Negroes to one white. All over South Caro- 
lina. The mayor of Charleston says that 
the. Negroes must catch fish and eat them 
to live. Times is very hard here* 


White men, also the Negroes, is looking 
toward some organization to lead them on 
the "right road and that is the Communist 
road, No other one will do but the Com- 
munist road. Also the whites workers is in 
j* hell of a fix in Charleston, S.C, Many 
\t them have no shoes on their feet at all. 
^From this letter you may print what you 
want in your paper. 

—I. R. 

Postscript from the Editor 

Dear Eeadersi 

We told you that we were going to get 
out a bigger and better Southern Worker. 
"Well here is a sample of the kind of maga- 
zine we are going to get out from now on. 
Is it the kind of magazine you and your 
friends want to read? If it is, write in and 
tell us. Write in and tell us your ideas for 
making it even better. 

If you think this really is the kind of 
magazine that can be used to lead the work- 
ers in their fight against the bosses for 
higher wages and a better and happy land, 
get your friends to subscribe to it. It's only 
25 cents a year for 12 issues. 

By the way, the reason we did not get 

out a February issue of the magazine is 
that we wanted to spend a lot of time on 
planning to get out a real good one, We 
think we've done it. If you think so, you'll 
back that up by sending in a load of new 
subscriptions right away. 


We Can Stop Itl 

Birmingham, Ala. 
Editor, The Southern Worker: 

This ought to be stopped! Us going into 
the houses of the whites and working from 
dawn till dark for such small pay. 

Washing and ironing, house cleaning and 
all — this is what we do. Work hard and 
nothing much to eat, just one or two sand- 
wiches, four slices of bread and two eggs, 
and no meat. 

Just listen, I mops up the front porches 
and back porches and bath room. Cleans up 
4 or 5 rooms, washes and cleans the ice box, 
sun parlor and living room. I bumps my 
head on the dining room table dusting the 
legs, I cleans and sweeps the basement, 1 do 
all this in one day and only gets two sand- 
wiches at lunch time and S2.25 at the end 
of the week. No chicken or pies or milk — - 
not even ice-water and they drinks milk and 
eat Post Toasties an' all kinds of good 
things and get good and full and sits around 
and watches me .work. They have fried 
chicken or broiled chicken or stewed 

chicken 2 or 3 times a week and I only get 
the bones after they have finished and it 
comes time for me to eat my 2 sandwiches. 

The only tips I gets is some old stockings 
that the lady wouldn't wear herself — all 
holey as they can be, and a rough sugar- 
sack for me to make a maids apron out of 
—something she would use for dish towels. 

Well, you see If we could get more money 
we could buy decent stockings and aprons 
for ourselves, and every thing we need and 
would not have to sew and patch the old 
rags they don't want and can't use. 

The only way we who lives in the South 
can get better homes and better food and 
better treatment, is to organize. If we get 
together and organize we can stop freezing 
and stop being hungry and stop being 
robbed of our pay. ^A FRIEND 

Signing Up Already 

Mobile, Ala, 
Editor, The Southern Worker: 

Mobile has long been regarded as an un- 
organized community where labor is cheap 
and the workers "won't stick together," This 
reputation was built up at the expense of 
the workers by no others than the phoney 
leadership supplied by some of the craft 

TITe head of the organising committee of 
the Central Trades Council has for many 
months been dreaming about organizing all 
those old craft locals back again. He writes 
a number of letters to William Green and 
some of the other A. F. of L, big shots to 
send him a half-dozen of the organizers 
from the different Inter nationals affected. 
He then arranges to hold a public meeting 
and invites all members of unions and their 
friends. He does everything but find out 
what the ship-yard workers think. He 
doesn't even try to get shipyard workers to 
the meeting. I believe he is really scared of 

The shipyard workers in the Alabama 
Drydock are going to do plenty for them- 
selves. They have already begun to sign 
applications for the Industrial Union of 
Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of Amer- 
ica* They are starting on their own and 
will create their own leadership out of the 
best among themselves. We hope that the 
Port of Mobile, in establishing the Indus- 
trial Union, will set the lead for the entire 
ship repair industry in the Gulf. Our slogan 
is, "sign up for the Industrial Union!" 
— Alabama Drydock Worker 


Page 15 



You Southern farmers have a fight on your hands. 
You dirt farmers who work your own land have to sell your 
products cheaply, though farm products are high enough when 
the worker buys them on the market. You dirt farmers are 

plagued with droughts, crop fail- 
ures, ridden with mortgages and 

You tenant farmers are in debt 
to the landlords. You are held in 
poverty by lynch courts and land- 
lord tyranny. 

You farm laborers work from 
dawn to dark for a few cents in 
season. Out of season you are left 
to starve or get along as best you 
You Southern workers have a fight on your hands. 
You work long hours — too long — m the mine, mill or fac- 
tory—for p a y too little to meet your needs. You do not have 
a nice house to live in, your children do not get a good educa- 
tion. You do not have security; the boss fires you when he see 
fit. You cannot save up 
enough for your old age. 
When you try to get better 
conditions you are met with 
discrimination and terror- 
ism. Your conditions are 
worse than those of North- 
ern workers who hold the 
same kind, of jobs, your pay 
is less. 

To fight for your righ's 
you must orraphe* And you 
must have papers and a 
- izine like The Southern 
Wnrker, which are not 
afraid to stand with you 
against any attack from the 

: •:"■ v 'v 

Yon Southern women and children have a fight on your 

hands along with your men. 

Southern homes are faced with starvation ■ and semi-atarv* 

tion. Southern housewives are crippled with overwork. Southen 

children are menaced with disease 

and death because they lack 

proper food, proper housing and 

proper medical care. Southern 
children are unable to get the 
education they need, As the cost of 
living rises, the family income 
fails to rise with it. Living stan- 
dards arc driven still lower. The 
family is burdened with unem- 
ployment and insufficient relief. 

The whole family needs to 
read The Southern Worker. The fight for a better life is their 

fight, too. . . » _i_ 

The Southern Worker is a powerful force in organizing the 

struggles of the masses for better conditions. Use it You should 

not only read it yourself; you should put it in the hands of 

your fellow workers, Iuct 



will be glad to sec it. 

If you are not yet a sub- 
scriber, clip the coupon 
below and send it, with 25c, 
to Box 572, Birmingham, 
Ala. That will bring you The. 
Soultiem Worker for a year. 

Whether or not you ai^ 
now a subscriber, clip the* - ' 
coupon above and send m 
the names and addresses of 
your friends who ought to 
be readers of The Southern 
Worker. We will send them 
free sample copies. 

The SoutJiern Worker iv 
your weapon in this fight. 

Please send me 

The Southern Worker 

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